Direction: Read the passage carefully then answer the question given below.
The National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-5 shows negligible gains in nutritional outcomes among under-five children. There has been tardy progress in reducing undernutrition, wasting and stunting. It is a national shame that even now, 35.5% of under-five children are stunted and 19.3% are wasted. Childhood anaemia has worsened from NFHS-4. Anaemia among adolescent girls and women aged 15-49 has also worsened. Though institutional delivery has gone up, early initiation of breastfeeding is static. If we are serious about a healthy new generation, we must ensure proper nutrition and growth. While we need to monitor data for programmatic evaluation and correction, the question is, what type of data do we need to help starving children? Is it data on how much food is supplied, served and consumed or data on what went wrong and the prevalence of weight loss and growth stagnation? Do we need output or impact data or input and process data with their quality parameters? We need to monitor the input and process indicators. That is how we can rectify past mistakes. Data generated quickly can lead to mid-course corrections. Data-driven planning and strategies lead to good governance with accountability.
So, what can we do? After monitoring the successful initiation of breastfeeding in the hospital, anganwadi workers, ASHA workers and Auxiliary Nurse Midwives must continue to monitor exclusive breastfeeding till the infant is six months old. Then they must record the timely initiation of complementary feeding with soft gruel. If this step is missed, growth faltering starts. And this is the critical period of growth that we cannot afford to compromise on. We must also ensure that there is take-home ration for under-three children through the regular supply of supplementary nutrition from the Integrated Child Development Services. We also need to know whether anganwadis are intermittently closed without any valid reason; whether the supervisors are erratic in field monitoring; how we can capture the regularity and quantity of dry rations supplied to anganwadi centres and schools for mid-day meals; whether there is live web-based centrally monitorable data on the movement of dry rations to anganwadis and schools; whether parents and teachers can monitor the serving of hot, cooked meals; whether self-help groups of women are involved in preparing the menu and procuring locally available vegetables, grains and millets to ensure dietary diversification and whether eggs are being denied or stopped for sociopolitical reasons. What goes into the family pot is also important. This depends on what parents can earn, and their purchasing capacity. So, it is important to monitor the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme workdays as well as the wages earned in areas where droughts frequently recur; where there is mass migration; and where there is prevalence of high malnutrition. The National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau was shut down some years ago. So, we don’t know what families can afford to cook and what they are cooking.
Select the word which is a synonym of the word ‘tardy’ which is in bold in the passage?
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
At a snap virtual meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad, comprising India, the U.S., Australia and Japan, leaders discussed the crisis of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine along with more traditional topics of interest for the Dialogue, including territorial and maritime security across the IndoPacific. In the joint statement, issued after the summit, the four nations __________ their commitment to a free and open IndoPacific, “in which the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states is respected and countries are free from military, economic, and political coercion”. The latest Quad meeting was in part likely motivated by the concern of the U.S., Australia, and Japan that India, in not explicitly condemning Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision to launch a ground offensive across the RussiaUkraine border and to bomb Ukrainian infrastructure, might not be on the same page as the other Quad members vis-à-vis this conflict. They have not only condemned Russia’s aggression but have also slapped Kremlin elites and organisations linked to them with crippling sanctions. India, contrarily, has abstained from three UN resolutions condemning Russia. There is also a considerable difference on the Russia-Ukraine issue in terms of the individual readouts of the Quad members. While the U.S., Australia and Japan directly called out Russia’s attempt to unilaterally force changes to the status quo in Ukraine and vowed not to let such action occur anywhere in the IndoPacific, India’s readout only Referenced Ukraine in passing, in the context of establishing a new humanitarian assistance and disaster relief mechanism for this cause. Russia’s action has obviously posed complex questions for India’s strategic calculus, even as New Delhi continues to be guided by the 21st century variant of its nonalignment paradigm, and by its need to remain close to Moscow, a major defence supplier. South Block is already well versed at playing hardball with the mandarins at the U.S. State Department over getting a CAATSA waiver for India’s purchase of
$5.43billion worth of the Russian Triumf missile defence system. While the discussions on the Ukraine crisis will continue at the Quad and across other plurilateral platforms where India and U.S. work together for the greater good of the rulesbased international order, the idea that NATO countries or even Russia can force sovereign nations with a proud history of nonalignment to pick a side in a complex geopolitical conflict is quite passé and eminently unviable in today’s interdependent global arena. The Quad, for example, cannot afford to alienate India, a critical partner in the globalstrategic plan to balance the rise of China as a potential Asian hegemon. Yet, India may find its resolve and patience with Russia tested should Russian occupying forces begin committing war crimes and human rights violations in contravention of the Geneva Convention, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other applicable global treaties.
Fill the blank given in the passage.
In the joint statement, issued after the summit, the four nations ______________ commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, “in the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states is respected and countries are free from military.
Direction: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Like other central banks in emerging economies, RBI has been steadily adding gold to its reserves. RBI’s gold-holding has gone up by 125.6 tonnes in the last two years, making India the world’s ninth-largest holder of gold reserves. As of September, the central bank held 743.84 tonnes of gold, 11% more than the 668.25 tonnes in September 2020, according to The Indian Express. The share of gold in the total forex reserves has accordingly increased to 5.88% in end-September. The question naturally is, when gold no longer plays a direct role in the international monetary system, why are central banks like RBI holding extensive gold reserves, amounting to 17% of worldwide stocks.
As is the case with individuals, central banks hold gold as a hedge against uncertain times to protect against economic instability. When India faced a serious balance of payments crisis in 1991, for instance, the country had to pledge 67 tonnes of gold to the Union Bank of Switzerland and Bank of England to bolster its dwindling forex kitty. Today, with $642 billion of forex reserves, the external vulnerability of 30 years ago may have receded substantially, but there are always fresh risks on the horizon. Around 67% of RBI’s foreign currency assets are invested in securities, including US treasuries. So, buying more gold helps the central bank to diversify its portfolio of reserves.
During the last couple of years, however, the allure of gold was compelling for RBI due to the challenges of forex reserve management when yields on securities are low. The weakening of the dollar, thanks to the stimulus rolled by the US Federal Reserve and near zero interest rates prompted RBI to diversify its forex reserves away from dollar-denominated assets. Interest rates in advanced countries have been on a declining trend over the last four decades and reached their historic low in many of them in 2020, according to RBI’s report titled The Low Yield Environment and Forex Reserves Management. Gold has an inverse relationship with the US dollar: when the latter dips in value, gold rises, enabling central banks to shore up their reserves.
But, there are limits to accumulating gold, especially if it is fast losing value. For instance, the value of RBI’s gold holdings rose by just $960 million, to $37.4 billion, in September from $36.4 billion a year ago. The valuation declined as gold prices first soared to Rs 56,000 per 10 grams last year and later fell below the Rs 48,000-mark. Will the central bank then sell some of its gold holdings? The problem is the emotions among most people of this country over gold sales.
The 1991 move to pledge gold thus occasioned tremendous national angst. In sharp contrast, the move to buy 200 tonnes of gold from the IMF in 2009 was cheered. The RBI report has flagged options for active management of gold including making deposits and gold swaps with bullion banks, and exchange traded funds. If the central bank’s gold holding is a depreciating asset, will it consider investing part of its rising forex reserves in equity funds, especially index funds, to secure better returns in a structural low-yield environment?
Which of the following is incorrect according to the given passage?
Direction: Read the given passage and answer the following question. Some words are highlighted to help you answer some of the question.
The National Education Policy 2020 (NEP) is truly transformative. There have been few policies in Indian history with its sweep and depth. One parallel is the first National Education Policy that emerged from the Kothari Commission in 1968. Ten years after that policy was approved by the government, J.P. Nayak, who was member secretary of the Kothari panel, wrote a book, Education Commission and After. Nayak, a much-revered figure in the field, wrote it as a reflection on what got done and what did not in those first ten years. It’s a nuanced book, as one would expect of Nayak. However, at its core, it was an expression of disappointment at the partial and haphazard implementation of the 1968 policy.I think Nayak was too early in his judgement. Without doubt, the implementation of that policy was far from what it should have been. However, as the decades have passed, it has become clearer that the direction and principles set by our first education policy have shaped Indian education deeply and fundamentally. The effect of any omission or commission of specific actions under that policy has not mattered as much. It is useful to remember that experience in the context of NEP 2020.
The latest NEP aims to transform the basic architecture, culture and approach of Indian education. Not by jettisoning the past, but by building on the good parts of it, while squarely confronting the bad. Undoubtedly, the NEP 2020 will leave a deep imprint on India over the long term, but there is also a short term set of effects which the policy can achieve if many of its actions are systematically and urgently implemented by Indian states. This involves the schooling part of the new policy, which is the responsibility of these states.
Our school education faces an unprecedented crisis, one of enormous learning losses for about 220 million children because schools were shut for over 18 months. Unless addressed comprehensively and quickly, this deficit will harm an entire generation of children and the country. Quick implementation of the relevant parts of the NEP by Indian states can provide some effective measures to deal with this emergency. Let me list a few of the most important ones.
First, the NEP’s comprehensive and systematic response to tackle problems of basic literacy and numeracy in Indian schools that existed even before the pandemic offers us exactly the platform we require to address the covid-triggered learning crisis. The real on-the-ground measures that the policy envisions would greatly strengthen efforts at recovering deep losses on foundational literacy and numeracy. Combined with the policy’s large commitment to transforming the care and education of the youngest children, not only could we emerge from today’s learning crisis, but perhaps come out ahead if the investments envisioned by the NEP are made in the ‘Foundational Stage’(ages 3 to 8).
Second, the bold vision of a new National Curriculum Framework (NCF), intended to develop real capacities, nurture the dispositions of good and engaged citizens, and develop constitutional values in our children, while being less burdensome and moving away from rote learning, is exactly what is needed in this time of a learning crisis. In simple terms, we must reconfigure and cut down the syllabus to the essentials that enable those curricular goals. Already, processes are underway to develop the NCF, with significant inputs from states. While this process of NCF development would take some time, as it should, the interim outputs can be used by states to appropriately reconfigure the education syllabus across classes such that lost learning can be recovered in a reasonable period of time.
Choose the most appropriate antonym of the word ‘jettisoning’ as highlighted in the given passage.
What is the public reaction given in the passage with respect to gold selling and buying?
A.Public hated it when the government had to pledge gold.
B.Public doesn’t bother themselves with RBI’s working and remains neutral
C.Public cheered when the government bought tons of gold.
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