NDA ENGLISH QUIZ

Attempt now to get your rank among 52 students!

Question 1:

Direction for Reading Comprehension : The passage given here are followed by some question that have four answer choices; read the passage carefully and pick the option whose answer best aligns with the passage.
The morning of 10 June 2002 was like any day in the beautiful environment of Anna University, where I had been working since 2001. I had been enjoying my time in large, tranquil campus, working with professors and inquisitive students on research project and teaching. The authorized strength of my class was sixty students, but during every lecture, the classroom had more than 350 students and there was no way one could control the number of participants. My purpose was to understand the aspirations of youth, to share my experiences from my many national missions and to evolve approaches for the application of technology for societal transformation through a specially designed course of ten lectures for post-graduate students.
What do I mean by national mission? I am referring to the space launch vehicle, SLV-3, the IGMDP (Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme), the 1998 nuclear tests, and the India 2020 report prepared by TIFAC (Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council). All in all, these had a measurable impact on development and setting the growth trajectory of the nation. The objective of the SLV-3 programme was to lunch a satellite indigenously for placing the 40kg Rohini satellite in near earth orbit. The satellite was intended for making ionospheric measurements. The IGMDP was intend to fulfil the need for force multiplier missile system for national security, both tactical and strategic. The Agni V missile is its latest success. The nuclear tests were held on 11 and 13 May 1998. With these,. India become a nuclear weapon state. TIFAC resulted in generating the road map for India to transform it into an economically developed nation by 2020.
It was my ninth lecture, entitled ‘Vision to Mission’, and it included several case studies. When I finished, I had to answer numerous question and my class extended from a one-hour teaching session to two hours. After the lecture, I prepared for my next class, and in the evening, I returned to my rooms.
As I was walking back, Prof. A. Kalanidhi, the vice chancellor of Anna University, joined me. He said that my office had received many telephone calls during the day and someone was frantically trying to get in touch with me. As soon as I reached my rooms, I found the telephone was ringing. When I answered , a voice on the other end said, ‘The prime minister wants to talk to you.’ While I waiting to be connected to the PM, Chandrababu Naidu, who was the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh , called me on my cellphone. He told me to except an importance call from the prime minister, adding, ‘please do not say no.’
While I was talking to Naidu, the call from Atal Bihari Vajpayee materialized. He said , ‘Kalam, how is your academic life?’

'It is fantastic,' i answered.

What was the object of placing Rohini satellite in near- earth orbit?

Direction for Reading Comprehension : The passage given here are followed by some question that have four answer choices; read the passage carefully and pick the option whose answer best aligns with the passage.
The morning of 10 June 2002 was like any day in the beautiful environment of Anna University, where I had been working since 2001. I had been enjoying my time in large, tranquil campus, working with professors and inquisitive students on research project and teaching. The authorized strength of my class was sixty students, but during every lecture, the classroom had more than 350 students and there was no way one could control the number of participants. My purpose was to understand the aspirations of youth, to share my experiences form my many national missions and to evolve approaches for the application of technology for societal transformation through a specially designed course of ten lectures for post-graduate students.
What do I mean by national mission? I am referring to the space launch vehicle, SLV-3, the IGMDP (Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme), the 1998 nuclear tests, and the India 2020 report prepared by TIFAC (Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council). All in all, these had a measurable impact on development and setting the growth trajectory of the nation. The objective of the SLV-3 programme was to lunch a satellite indigenously for placing the 40kg Rohini satellite in near earth orbit. The satellite was intended for making ionospheric measurements. The IGMDP was intend to fulfil the need for force multiplier missile system for national security, both tactical and strategic. The Agni Vmissile is its latest success. The nuclear tests were held on 11 and 13 May 1998. With these,.India become a nuclear weapon state. TIFAC resulted in generating the road map for India to transform it into an economically developed nation by 2020.
It was my ninth lecture, entitled ‘Vision to Mission’, and it included several case studies. When I finished, I had to answer numerous question and my class extended from a one-hour teaching session to two hours. After the lecture, I prepared for my next class, and in the evening, I returned to my rooms.
As I was walking back, Prof. A. Kalanidhi, the vice chancellor of Anna University, joined me. He said that my office had received many telephone calls during the day and someone was frantically trying to get in touch with me. As soon as I reached my rooms, I found the telephone was ringing. When I answered , a voice on the other end said, ‘The prime minister wants to talk to you.’ While I waiting to be connected to the PM, Chandrababu Naidu, who was the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh , called me on my cellphone. He told me to except an importance call from the prime minister, adding, ‘please do not say no.’
While I was talking to Naidu, the call from Atal Bihari Vajpayee materialized. He said , ‘Kalam, how is your academic life? 'It is fantastic,' I answered. ’

Question 2:

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.

The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.

In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.

What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.

We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.

Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.

How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.

Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.

The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.

There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society

This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.

Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.

The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.

These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

What kind of picture does the author present of the riots that took place in the wake of Indira Gandhi's assassination?

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.
The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.
In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.
What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.
We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.
Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.
How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.
Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.
The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.
There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society
This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.
Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.
The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.
These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

Question 3:

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.

The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.

In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.

What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.

We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.

Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.

How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.

Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.

The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.

There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society

This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.

Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.

The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.

These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

The murderers like those of Manish Mishra

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.
The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.
In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.
What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.
We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.
Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.
How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.
Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.
The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.
There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society
This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.
Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.
The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.
These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

Question 4:

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.

The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.

In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.

What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.

We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.

Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.

How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.

Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.

The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.

There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society

This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.

Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.

The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.

These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

According to the author, the murder of Manish Mishra

Direction :- A passage given below is followed by some questions. Choose the best answer to the question.
The UP police and the crime branch of the Delhi police have cooperated admirably to produce computer-generated images of the three persons suspected of having pushed Manish Mishra, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's grand-nephew, off a running train near Kosi Kalan and killed him. But it would be a great mistake to treat his murder as a run-of-the-mill crime that needs to be addressed by normal police methods alone. On the contrary, it is another piece in a mosaic of incredibly brutal behaviour, occurring all over India, that calls into question every cosy illusion that we harbour about our country. There is a disturbing accumulation of evidence that pushing people out of running trains is no longer aberrant behaviour, but is becoming almost commonplace. Last Sunday's papers in Mumbai carried a story about how a young telecom engineer, on his way to work, was deliberately pushed out of a crowded suburban train by a gang of young men who first made some space for him and then pushed him out after it had gathered speed. He survived to tell the tale, but another young man who was similarly pushed out is now in a coma and may not survive. Most of the victims do not, of course, survive. In Mumbai, around half a dozen people are killed in this way everyday. No one knows how many of them slip and how many are pushed.
In Mumbai, such deaths at least get noticed. In Bihar, UP and many other parts of India, especially when they happen off longdistance trains, they do not even get reported. So no one knows precisely how many of them are cases of murder. Manish Mishra's gratuitous murder suggests that a fair proportion could be the latter.
What kind of human being is he that can deliberately, cold-bloodedly, and as happened in Mumbai, purposelessly take the life of another? The answer is, one that has lost every vestige of his humanity and revels in the act of killing. The recent history of the country shows that the number of such people is growing by leaps and bounds. In fact, a special new form of barbarism is sprouting like an evil weed all across the face of India. It is reflected not just by the rising spate of murders but by the sheer inventiveness that the killers are displaying in making death as excruciatingly painful as possible. India's new killers, in short, are not just committing murder for profit or revenge; they are killing for sport and trying to maximise the pleasure they derive fromit.
We got our first glimpse of this new phenomenon during the anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. Not only were an estimated 2,700 Sikhs killed in Delhi, but most were killed in barbaric ways. A common sport was to push automobile tyres over their heads, trapping their arms, set the tyres alight and watch the victims burn. Entire families were also trapped in their cars and burnt to death. Many women were raped and then killed.
Since then, every communal riot has seen the inventiveness of the killers grow. The massacres in Gujarat after Godhra were horrifying not just because of the numbers killed but because of the ways in which the victims were killed. There, too, immolation was the favourite sport. Rape was, as usual, common. But a new twist was the murder of a foetus. Worst of all, many of the killings were instigated or carried out by middle-class people, whom one could easily meet in an Ahmedabad hotel, a Goa resort or a sales conference in Mumbai.
How has India come to such a sorry pass? It would need a psychoanalyst of the stature of Eric Fromm (who wrote a seminal book linking sadism and necrophilia to the rise of an industrial civilisation) to answer that question. But the reason why more and more people are giving free reign to their darkest fantasies and most depraved yearnings is easier to understand.
Purposeless, sadistic violence is on the increase because the perpetrators have lost all fear of retribution. Since the legal right to exact retribution in any society rests with the State, this means that they have completely lost their fear of the State. The reason for this is not far to seek. In all healthy, functioning societies, the State deals with the people through a mix of coercion and persuasion. In India, the coercive power of the State has been all but destroyed. The immediate cause is the emasculation of the police and the virtual collapse of the judicial system. The police is understaffed and ill-equipped. In the cities, a large proportion of even the available personnel has been diverted to providing protection to VIPs. Worse still, in the state governments in particular, the police has been utterly politicised and corrupted. As a result, it has lost every vestige of accountability to the public.
The judicial system is close to collapse. As of the end of 2002 , there were more than 20 million cases pending before the courts of the country. Over a million persons are languishing in jails waiting for trial and the trials have become a farce, for the conviction rate is around 1 per cent. Even conviction does not always lead to incarceration, for the law, delays and an overgenerous concern for individual freedom have combined to ensure that anyone who can get an appeal to his or her conviction entertained by a higher court is sure to remain at large for several more years.
There are, in short, a hundred ways in which a wrongdoer can cheat punishment. The Best Bakery case in Ahmedabad, and the BMW and Jessica Lal murder cases in Delhi are among hundreds of highly publicised cases that show how easy it is to do so. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that fear of the law has almost vanished from Indian society
This progressive decay would not have taken place, however, if criminals had not found such ready shelter in the political system. The organic link that has developed over the last four decades between politics and crime is too well understood to need elaboration. That it was born out of political parties' and candidates' need for funds with which to fight elections, and manpower to mobilise one's supporters and discourage those of one's rivals, is also well-known. What few people anticipated was the extent to which the tacit legitimisation of crime would poison the roots of Indian society Thus, the ultimate cause of growing lawlessness and sadism in Indian society is the perversion of Indian democracy.
Over the decades since Independence, the crime-politics nexus has bred a criminal 'over-class' that wields almost unchallenged political power because it pervades all political parties. Everyone who wants to get ahead in India today, has to deal with it. And each transaction makes it stronger and more deeply entrenched.
The members of this class are not averse to abusing their new-found power. The commonest manifestation is the readiness of the goons with whom its more prominent members habitually travel to throw fare-paid passengers out of their berths on trains to make room for their masters and to beat up anyone on the roads who does not immediately move out of the way of their cavalcade as they pass.
These space-age Pindaris have become the role models of the lumpen proletariat, and of successive generations of barely educated young people as they make their uncertain way into the adult world. It is, therefore, no surprise that more and more of its members are displaying the same contempt as their mentors for the rights of other humans, including their right to life.

Question 5:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

Which of the following statements reflects Pt. Nehru's point of view ?

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

Question 6:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

Pt. Nehru enjoyed -

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

Question 7:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

A many-sided personality means -

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding questions :
Nehru's was a many-sided personality. He enjoyed reading and writing books as much as he enjoyed fighting political and social evils or resisting tyranny. In him the scientist and the humanist were held in perfect balance. While he kept looking at social problems from a scientific standpoint, he never forgot that we should nourish the total man. As a scientist, he refused to believe, in a benevolent power interested in men's affairs; but, as a selfproclaimed non-believer, he loved affirming his faith in life and the beauty of nature. Children he adored. Unlike Wordsworth, he did not see them trailing clouds of glory from their recent sojourn in heaven. He saw them as blossoms of promise and renewal, the only hope for mankind.

Question 8:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question :

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

Which one of the following did the author do first ?

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question : I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

Question 9:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question :

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

The author jumped out of bed because

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question : I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

Question 10:

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question :

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

The author sat peering into the darkness because

Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the corresponding question : I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blankets, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour I must have sat like this, and then I was suddenly roused, by a drought of cold air. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.